Research projects

現在、世界的に進む「権威主義化」に対して、既存研究は欧米の自由民主主義を引照基準にした考察にとどまっている。　それに対し本研究は、自由民主主義の「裏面」として扱われてきた、「非・自由民主主義」の多様性・正統性を正面から解明する。 具体的には、①自由民主主義とは相容れない政治体制・思想・運動(「非・自由民主主義」)の多様性と正統性を明らかにし、②それらを統一的な視座から理解するための、理論・実証を包摂する新たな分析枠組を提示する。 昨年度は、研究計画に即し、2024年3月と8月に研究会を開催した(8月は合宿形式)。前者では板橋拓己氏による「1970年代の西ドイツにおける保守主義の再編」、中根一貴氏による「単なる哲学者の政治家と経済学者の政治家の論争なのか？――世紀転換期チェコ政治と「チェコ問題」論争」と題する報告が行われた。後者では西山隆行氏による「アメリカにおける秩序と暴力」、立石洋子氏による「ロシアにおけるナショナリズムと排外主義」と題する報告が行われた。この2回の研究会で、メンバー全員の研究構想報告が終了し、研究の全体像をメンバーで共有することができた。また、8月の研究会では、今後の研究会の運営方針や、将来の論文集刊行に向けた意見交換を行った。 研究計画が3年目に入ったこともあり、外部との連携を試みた。2025年3月には、サラゴサ大学(スペイン)のCarlos Domper氏をゲストスピーカーとして招いたオンライン研究会"Democracy Through Fascist Eyes: An Unconventional Perspective"を開催した。なおこの研究会は、日本政治学会のメーリングリストを通じて情報提供し、メンバー外にも公開した。 研究成果の中間報告に向けた準備作業も始め、2025年度の日本比較政治学会において、外山文子氏、西山氏、今井宏平氏が中心となり、現代における民主主義の後退に関する分科会の設置を申請し、採択された。 各メンバーも、後述する通り精力的に論文の執筆や学会での報告を行った。 上記の通り、昨年度は当初の計画に即した研究を実施できた。研究会内部での成果の精緻化はもちろん、外部からの専門知の提供や、成果のアウトプットに向けた準備も順調に進んでいる。 本年度は以下の方針で研究を進める。 第一に、研究会全体でメンバーの研究方針を共有したことを踏まえ、3つのサブグループ(政治史、政治理論・思想、現代比較政治)内で、リーダーを中心として、相互の研究成果をより有機的に接合させる作業を行う。 第二に、2026年度以降に海外学会での成果報告を行うための準備作業を開始する。研究代表者を中心として、具体的に報告する学会についての情報収集と、パネルの構成・テーマについての検討を進める。 第三に、研究計画終了後の研究成果(論文集)の刊行に向け、構成の検討、(メンバー以外の)執筆者の選定、出版社への打診などの作業を進める。

We studied the rise of authoritarianism and populism, two aspects of the global crisis of democracy, from diverse perspectives, such as the impact of changes in the world order and social changes; their relationship to values and institutions that are experiencing, among others, a crisis of representative politics and changes in the party system; and their international transmission and interaction. We also focused on the interrelationships between authoritarianism and populism and their ability to govern. From these studies, we obtained multifaceted insights into the strength, weakness, evolution, and brutalization of authoritarian regimes; horizontal accountability and other aspects of democracy that are damaged by populism; and the relationship between the given political, social, and economic conditions in each country and the characteristics and governing ability of authoritarian and populist regimes.

This study is composed of two parts.１）In research on career paths, this study constructs a database of provincial party secretaries and others, clarifying the sources of talent supply by region and rank, and the overall and type-specific promotion patterns. At the same time, by focusing on work experience, the study analyzes the selection criteria for political elites and their governance capabilities. ２）In research on power competition and factional politics, the study analyzes both the formal operating system and the informal negotiation system of the party executive with personnel authority. It reveals how factions engage in maneuvers and transactions over power distribution, the characteristics of political factions in terms of scale and structure, transparency, activity methods, and stability, as well as how the dynamics of factions have changed with time.

This study clarified the governance practices of the Party and the state in contemporary China and the characteristics of the Chinese-style authoritarian system derived from these practices. In particular, the study examined the actual situation and problems of governance in terms of (1) the leadership theory of the Chinese Communist Party, (2) comparative study with the West in the history of political thought, (3) state and social governance, (4) economic and market governance, and (5) international relations. The results revealed that the legitimacy of China's authoritarian regime requires not only traditional nationalism and economic growth, but rather democratic accountability and improvement of the rule of law system.

Since corruption is a complex and multidisciplinary phenomenon, we have conducted a comprehensive academic study by combining knowledge from political science, economics, sociology, criminology, and other fields, and have found no reason to change the definition of corruption as "the pursuit of private profit by public authority," which was initially set at the planning stage of the research. Furthermore, the paradoxical and dichotomous view of the simultaneous emergence of corruption and sustained high growth in contemporary China may trivialize the situation. Therefore, the examination of the two aspects of incentives and disincentives of corrupt behavior and the《Qian-Quan network》formed by these two aspects should be the core theme of corruptionolgy.

本研究では、21世紀の東南アジアにおいて急速に進んでいる権威主義化に対して、中国がどのように影響を与えているのか、中国の対外行動と東南アジア諸国の内政の双方から明らかにすることにより、民主化における国際的要因の影響について、新たな知見を提供することを目的とする。従来の民主化論では、民主主義の「退行」や「崩壊」が起きた国家について、国際的要因がどのような「負」の影響を与え得るかについて充分に論じられてこなかった。そこで本研究は、民主化または権威主義化に対して国際的要因がもたらす影響について、21世紀の世界情勢の分析を踏まえたうえで、新たな視座を導入することを目指す。

This study focuses on the democratic institutions under the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime and analyzes its political functions. The study argued that democratic institutions under the one-party regime, which have been understood as having no real power, have political functions that contribute to the sustainability of that one-party regime. This study clarified the origins of China's democratic institutions and the history of institutional development and presented a discussion point for the prospects of the direction of the development of the CCP regime.

The final product of this research project is the edited volume titled "Decolonization and Regime Change in Asia: Historical Origins of Democracy and Dictatorship" (edited by Yuko Kasuya, published by Hakusuisha, March 2022, 510 pages). This book consists of a theory chapter, and 15 case study chapters that cover 17 countries in East, Southeast, and South Asia. The book's core question is: what explains the variation in regime types among Asian countries at the wake of decolonization in the 1940s and 50s? Why did some countries became independent as democracies, while other became various types of dictatorships--party rule, personalist rule, monarchy, and oligarchy. The book's adopts a framework that focuses on the institutions and movements, namely, the strength of the self-government institutions and monarchy on the one hand, and the orientation of the liberation movement pm the other.

Our research program sought to elucidate the mechanisms that generate new industrial sector innovation in China from multiple perspectives and empirically, drawing on political science and law insights. First, we empirically revealed how much Chinese government industrial policies have stimulated innovation by examining Guizhou Province's big data industry promotion policy, "import substitution digitization" policy, and government intellectual property rights strategy. Second, we discussed in detail the relationship between the "rule of law" and innovation, including introducing antitrust laws for IT firms and developing an IPR court system. Third, our analysis focused on the role of local government in industrial policy, including the impact of government-guided funds on the efficiency of the financial sector in the region.

社会主義諸国が世界で動揺しつつあった1980年代、中国は、1970年代に始動させた改革開放政策を軌道に乗せつつあった。そのため、経済・社会政策の調整が模索されると同時に、「人民民主主義」をめぐる政治改革も争点として浮上した。しかし、興味深いことに、当時の中国は、旧東欧諸国のようにリベラル・デモクラシーへとは転換しなかった。それは何故なのか。本研究は、その要因を、ソ連や旧東欧を含むヨーロッパと比較しながら、探求する。

We were able to deepen our understanding about (a) the characteristics of the bilateral relationships that the East Asian nations have with China, and about (b) the politics, economy, society and diplomacy of those nations. In the analyses and comparison of the bilateral relations, we applied the four-factor model and looked into four factor areas, namely, (a) domestic politics, (b) economic interests, (c) international environment and security, and (d) people’s emotions, perceptions and identity. In the realm of politics and economies, an important factor is the role that the overseas Chinese play in each country. We were also able to explore and develop our understanding about the interaction between the four-factor areas, such as the function between the existence of friction over security and people’s perceptions about China.

The aim of this research was to make clear how democratic institutions (DIs) in China have contributed to the stability of the regime there. Since the time the CCP decided to go the path of market-oriented economic reform, there has been diversification and greater plurality among the political actors who want to participate in political decision-making. According to this research, they make use of China's DIs in order to more effectively make known their demands to the political decision makers. By making their demands known to the People's Congress in the form of propositions, these actors who want involvement in decision-making transform their demands from matters of individual gain into the "will of the people," and thus gain legitimacy for their claims. Functions of the DIs that take such form contribute, to a certain level, to promoting the democratization of the decision-making process, making it more transparent, and sustaining it.