G-SEC Working Papers (GWP)

This paper represents the foundation of a future extended research that aims to investigate more in depth how cybersecurity shall evolve in the e-government domain considering the challenges represented by the emerging IoT (Internet of Things). The present paper addresses the question to be investigated and presents the general and specific framework of cybersecurity, critical infrastructures policy and regulation, e-government and e-services domain. With the EU trying to implement cross-border services using digital service infrastructures and Japan fostering its government sector, questions related to cybersecurity and cyberdefense policies for this sector represents emerging subjects. What this paper is suggesting and intend to develop in a future research is the need to declare the e-government sector and particularly the digital service infrastructures as critical infrastructures and to further propose a dedicated cybersecurity policy and specific measures designated to ensure a safe and secure space for adoption and use of e-services, since boostering the use of e-services would represent a benefit for the economy.

The Republic of Palau is an island nation in the Pacific Ocean. Just like other island countries, Palau is faced with an issue of infrastructure development to provide reasonable communications services. Since satellite communication is expensive compared to submarine cable, Palau remains unable to fully meet the rising demand for the internet. This article examined the issue of submarine cables, which are essential in solving the digital divide in Pacific island countries. Communications carriers are not willing to lay submarine cables to Pacific island countries due to poor prospects for sufficient demand and geographical isolation. Official development aid and other types of aid might not be available due to political and economic reasons.

In recent years the UK government has created a National Cyber Security Programme that includes a substantial amount of funding along with the creation of new organizations and the publication of an overarching Cyber Security Strategy. At the same time, research suggests both that the meaning of security has broadened to encompass a wider array of problems and that there has been a shift in the rationality of strategic thinking from a logic of threat to one of risk. This paper explores the path the UK took in its cybersecurity strategy and organization from an institutional perspective. We argue that the UK state's perception of cybersecurity can be broken into four distinct historical periods. More substantially, as the meaning of security broadens and favors risks over threats, there are concomitant changes at the institutional level that include the creation of new organizational forms and practices in order to rationalize the logic of risk.

The problem of orbital debris is now understood to be a clear and present danger to the space community and the global telecommunications infrastructure. A welter of research into the issue and scores of proposals to clean up the orbital environment have been conducted, but any such missions face difficult issues. This article examines the nature of the problem with orbital debris, examines the technical, legal and funding issues facing attempts to clean up the orbital environment, before discussing possible avenues to resolving present difficulties.

This paper intends to formulate a multi-country and multi-sector model for the Asian International Input-Output system of the Institute of Developing Economies from a micro-foundation: (a) households maximize their utility functions under a budget constraint, and (b) producers maximize their profits, resulting in factor demands for materials and labor, and sector prices via the conjectural variation originated by R. Frisch. In a multi-country (R countries) and multi-sector (N sectors) environment, there are N international oligopolistic markets for differentiated commodities supplied by R producers. The model system described above is demand-oriented.

We provide a theoretical mechanism by which labor force aging adversely influences economic growth by developing a human-capital-based growth model in which human capitals embodied in people of different age cohorts are imperfect substitutes as inputs in production. The age distribution in the labor market can significantly influence wage profiles, the incentive for the young to invest in human capital, and, eventually, economic growth. We observe cross-country empirical evidence showing that the advance of labor force aging leads to a slowdown in the subsequent growth of per-worker GDP.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the fiscal sustainability of Japan by applying a dynamic stochastic general equilibrium (DSGE) model to the Japanese economy. By introducing intermediation costs into the model, we succeed in explaining the observed relationship between the interest and GDP growth rates, which is crucial in testing for sustainability. When the projected real growth rate is 2.5 percent, the average real interest rate becomes 2.57 percent, and the debt-to-GDP ratio gradually increases stochastically so that government debt is not sustainable. To recover sustainability, the primary surplus must be 0.2 percent of GDP.

The illegal dumping of waste has been a serious environmental concern of most countries in the world. This paper examines the relationship between the provision of waste treatment facilities and the frequency of illegal dumping. While the amount of illegal dumping has a positive correlation with the provision of landfill, our results show that a shortage of intermediate waste treatment facilities has played an important role in increasing the frequency of illegal dumping.

By investigating various data at both customs and firm level, we present the new evidence of Japanese firms' invoice currency choice. Contrary to stylized facts, we demonstrate that Japanese firms tend to choose the U.S. dollar or importer's currency for trade invoicing in Japanese exports to advance countries, irrespective of difference in industry characteristics or product differentiation, while they choose the yen invoiced transactions in exports to Asian countries. More interestingly, Asia-based Japanese subsidiaries tend to use mainly the yen and U.S. dollar for trade invoicing in their trade with Japanese head offices and group companies. On the other hand, in Asia-based subsidiaries' trade with other countries excluding Japan, the yen is rarely used, even in intra-firm trade, and the U.S. dollar is dominantly used for trade invoicing. Even though Japanese subsidiaries increase their intra-firm trade with other Asia-based group companies, the use of the yen in Asia will not be growing. Instead, the use of the U.S. dollar will be increasing. These findings have significant policy implications for further use of the yen in the process of Asian economic integration.

Most Japanese have come to believe that their nation needs to take more responsibility for global security than before. They have recognized that the way to achieve this goal is to contribute in the military, political, and economic fields, mainly because of Japanese media reports. In fact, the media have repeatedly reported the importance of this contribution not only for the global community but also for Japanese national interest. This is a critical aspect of 'media-nationalism' in recent Japan, especially after the Persian Gulf War. This trend was then reinforced by the September 11 terrorist attacks. I will consider this by examining the relationship between media and nationalism from a longer and wider perspective of Japanese society after the Second World War.

Goddess Lin Guniang is the characteristic deity worshiped by the ethnic Chinese in southern Thailand. From the fourteenth to eighteenth centuries, there was an Islamic kingdom named Patani in southernmost Thailand. Today, Malay Muslims still account for approximately 80 percent of the population there. In the sixteenth century, Lin Daoqian, a Chinese pirate, defected to Patani from Chaozhou in southern China and converted to Islam. It is believed that Lin Guniang, his younger sister, went there to take him back to China. But she failed and hung herself. It is unclear when this worship began; however, it likely began in the late nineteenth century. At that time southern Thailand saw a massive ingress of Chinese immigrants, and a cultural conflict between Chinese and Malays affected this worship.

The worship of Lin Guniang is prevalent in southern Thailand due to the establishment of Shantang, a Chinese charity foundation, after the 1950s. Recently, Lin Guniang has been introduced to "Dejiao," a Chinese religious association, in southern Thailand and northern Malaysia through the network of the ethnic Chinese. Because Shantang and Dejiao originated in Chaozhou, it is therefore supposed that Chaozhou ethnicity is the main factor leading to the prevalence of this worship.

This paper seeks to illustrate Japan's new Southeast Asian policy in the post–Vietnam War period, with particular focus on its efforts in the May 1970 Jakarta Conference on the Cambodian problem, its aid policy toward Indochinese countries after 1970, and diplomatic normalization with North Vietnam in September 1973. What were the motives behind these decisions made by Japan to play a political role in the Southeast Asian region in the early 1970s? What made this Japanese initiative possible? This paper attempts to answer these questions from the following three different perspectives: (1) Japan's aspiration to play an active role in policymaking in the post–Vietnam War era; (2) the changing US policy toward Asia; and (3) an increase in the self-confidence among the Asian nations with regard to their own development efforts, coupled with a growing sense of regionalism. The paper concludes that in the post–Vietnam War era, Japan's Southeast Asian policy was entering a new phase in the late 1960s and early 1970s, in which it attempted to play an active role in the political field.

This paper analyses how Maoist China built an optimistic imagery of the newly established state under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism by manipulating art, with peasant paintings of Huxian as an example, to glorify the Chinese Communist revolution and socialist utopia.

Tracking the evolution of peasant paintings in Huxian, from the 1950s to the 1970s, under the cultural policies of the Chinese Communist Party since Mao Zedong's famous talks on literature and art in Yan'an in 1942, this paper analyses how state sponsorship constructed an optimistic imagery of a socialist revolution and fostered the image of "socialist heroes."

By contextual study and close reading to render a historical and iconographic analysis, this study looks at how the regime employed new symbols, traditional elements, and visual imagery to transform popular attitudes and beliefs in order to gain and maintain control over the sphere of public discourse and thereby transform popular attitudes and beliefs. The peasant paintings glorify the proletariat by depicting the heroic character and the resilient strength of the people in building a great socialist nation. In doing so, it is interesting to examine how the government redefined social values and created a new socialist mystique.

On March 14, 2005, the third session of the Tenth National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China (PRC) passed the Anti-Secession Law. It was the first time that China legalized its policy against the Taiwan independence movement. After this law was passed, it caused a series of demonstrations and criticisms in Taiwan. From China's standpoint, the Anti-Secession Law is the solution to the conflicts of the cross-strait relationship. From Taiwan's view, however, the law itself is the cause of an oncoming conflict. In order to discuss the major conflicts and barriers to negotiation and cooperation between China and Taiwan, this paper, by using document and conversation analyses, will review the history and then analyze the current situation of the cross-strait relationship. In addition, this paper will analyze the related articles and statements of the Anti-Secession Law for the purpose of investigating the transformation of the PRC government's "one China" policy, the development process of this law, the reactions to the Anti-Secession Law from Chinese and Taiwanese political leaders, and the possible effect of the enactment of this PRC law on cross-strait relations.

The new millennium marks an epochal revival for Malaysia's film industry, especially through independent filmmaking. Sepet, a small-budget film, won Best Picture at the 18th Malaysian Film Festival in 2005 but was later condemned as the "corrupter" of Malay culture. The victory also sparked protests from local daily newspapers and generated debates at the public university and in the House of Representatives regarding the merit of Malay/sian national cinema—a national cinema that was hailed as the cinema of denial. The love story between two teenagers from different social, cultural, and ethnic backgrounds, on the one hand, demonstrates the contested notion of ethnicity that further attests to Malaysia's ethnocentric discourse of national identity. On the other hand, it accentuates a conflicting transition in Malaysian nationalism, particularly from ethno-Malay nationalism toward an inclusive, multiethnic Malaysian nationalism promoted by Mahathir Mohamad, the former prime minister. This paper offers insights into the dialectical tension between notions of Malay/sian nationhood consciously represented through cultural productions. For a multicultural Malaysia where nationalism is a mutable phenomenon through the manipulation of state/market-controlled mass media, does trans-ethnic independent filmmaking offer an alternative to the ethnic/patriotic nationalism of official multiculturalism?

An Chunggŭn, a Korean nationalist most famous for the assassination of Itō Hirobumi, is almost universally recognized by Koreans. Excommunicated for killing Itō, his sentence was only lifted in 1993. Many Catholics in Korea, stung by the Catholic Church's official acceptance of Japanese rule during the colonial period, have sought to capitalize on An's nationalist credentials while downplaying his excommunication. Catholic scholars seek to do this by finding ways to legitimize his actions without being too critical of the Catholic Church. There are also efforts at the popular level. The Catholic Street Missionary Association publishes an inexpensive pamphlet to be handed out to prospective Catholics. The cover of the 2005 edition features pictures of Pope John Paul II, Mother Teresa, and An Chunggŭn. Inside the pamphlet is a short biography of An, stressing his nationalism and Catholicism and declaring the union between faith and love of country, papering over the sharp divisions that can arise between the two as evidenced by An's excommunication.

This paper will examine Korean perspectives on An and his place in Korean and Catholic history and will highlight the tension that exists between the demands of nation and faith and how they shape historiography and memory.

This paper seeks to examine the nature of the recent upsurge of nationalism in Japan stemming from the controversy over the interpretation of the assessment of Japan’s role in its neighboring Asian states in the earlier part of the twentieth century. It analyzes Japanese newspaper reports and Japanese public opinion regarding the anti-Japan demonstrations which took place in spring 2005 in China. The paper particularly focuses on the following two points: (1) the vicious circle in which Japanese politicians’ speeches and actions have stimulated Chinese popular nationalism and the Chinese popular nationalism, in return, have fueled Japanese nationalism; and (2) the nature of a complex fabric of Japanese public opinion on history issues.

This paper explains how Pan-Asianists in Japan and Pan-Africanists in the United States sympathized with each other in the post-WWI world.

Major black leaders in the post-WWI period, such as Marcus Garvey, adopted Pan-Africanism as a key concept to uplift the status of blacks in US society. Garvey sought to build a progressive nation-state in Africa, which would represent the whole black population. Inspired by the rule of self-determination formalized after WWI, he tried to substantiate blacks as a 'nation' and elevate them as a whole. Garvey considered Japan as a model for the upcoming black nation-state and a leader of all darker races.

On the other hand, Japanese intellectuals found racism and colonialism to be decisive defects in the democracy highly advocated by European nations. Frustrated with their own lower status in world politics, these intellectuals attacked European and American treatment of blacks. Although those who later became Pan-Asianists regarded African Americans and Africans as backward people, they identify their international situation with the status of black people. Moreover, they claimed to represent all the colored people oppressed by the European-centered world. The idea would later justify their imperial activities in Asia.

Japan's defeat in the Asia-Pacific War grievously undermined the prewar Imperial Japanese variant of what George Mosse identifies as “the official linkage of the cult of the fallen to manliness and national glory.” Evidence of popular rejection of this “cult” and its symbolic equating of masculinity with war-making capability is clear in the fact that since the promulgation of Japan's present Constitution in 1947, opinion surveys have consistently shown that a majority of the Japanese population has always regarded their nation's formal renunciation in that document of the right to wage war as a centerpiece of cultural pride and identity. However, a significant segment of Japanese society has never been comfortable with this basis of postwar national identity and its prerequisite pride-swallowing historical interpretation of Japan's war as having been unjust, irrational or otherwise ill-advised and morally flawed. Moreover, influential politicians and public intellectuals have even likened Japan's “foreign-imposed” postwar pacifist stance and its dependence on American assistance for its strategic defense to a form of cultural or even spiritual emasculation. This paper will examine increasingly successful attempts by “memory activists” to rehabilitate Japan's war legacy as part of their proposals for a renaissance of “healthy” Japanese nationalism, and as one facet of multigenerational and overarching Japanese conservative/revisionist efforts—identified by Maruyama Masao and Ivan Morris as early as the 1950s—to undo ideological, social, political and cultural changes experienced by Japan as a result of its defeat in the Asia-Pacific War.

How should we explain the recent rise of China and its active foreign policy? In this paper, this question shall be answered by focusing on the relation between China's assessments of the security environment and its security practice. After briefly reveling in the unrealistic hope of a rapid transition to a multipolar world in the early 1990s, China has been cautiously modifying its security strategy in response to revised strategic assessments and changing international situations, while maintaining an official view that the transition period was underway and that China would participate in the creation of a more favorable multipolar international order. Although some scholars exaggerate the present danger of a rising China with dramatically expanded influence in East Asia, I will argue that China has no reason to rush to challenge the existing status quo. This is because a rising power has strong incentives to avoid major conflicts with a dominant power and simply wait, since given time it can achieve an increasingly advantageous position from which to challenge the status quo.

Japan emerged from the Second World War to become a First World industrialized economy in 1964. Japan's industrial transformation strategy and its subsequent role in the “flying-geese pattern” of industrial development across East Asia have been very much credited to the rapid economic development of the region. Specifically, Japan has contributed greatly to the economic dynamism and rapid economic transformation of South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and ASEAN countries through foreign direct investment (FDI) and official development assistance (ODA). Since 1970, Japan's ODA program has been largely expanded in Asia and particularly in East Asia. With the acceleration of globalization and regionalization, Japan continues to play a major role in enhancing regional production networking and strengthening intra-regional trade and investment through market forces and various schemes of regional and bilateral comprehensive economic partnership agreements. Notwithstanding that the “flying-geese pattern” has been superimposed by production networking and cross-border (borderless) trade and investment flows and the rise of China, Japan’s role and leverage in trade and investment continues to be critical for the continued economic prosperity and political stability of East Asia. From Singapore's perspective, Japan has been slow and hesitant in applying and realizing its vast accumulated soft power in trade and investment for the betterment of its national interest and those of the region.

The cultural diplomacy that Japan used in the 1950s through the 1970s did not significantly change the unsympathetic Philippine public opinion about Japan. On the other hand, such cultural diplomacy was not wasted, for it created a cultural capital that contributed to the Filipino elite's understanding of Japan.

The Japanese experience of modernizing without losing the traditional culture in the last half of the nineteenth century and the Japanese economic miracle of the 1960s are part of the Japanese culture admired by the Filipino intellectuals.

The social base of Filipinos who admire Japanese culture became wide in the late 1980s, when a public demand for teachers of Japanese language and information about Japan came about. The case of Japan's cultural diplomacy in the Philippines in the last fifty years shows that cultural diplomacy does not always produce the desired results; neither does it have results immediately. It is nevertheless a valuable capital that is useful for its own sake and that may become useful for other purposes in due time.

R&D in foreign affiliates and technology transferred from their parent firms are important potential drivers of productivity in host countries. In this paper we examine the simultaneous impact of local R&D and intra-firm international technology transfer on productivity growth in foreign affiliates. We estimate a dynamic productivity model on a large sample of Japanese manufacturing affiliates worldwide in 1996–1997 and 1999–2000. We find that both affiliate R&D and intra-firm technology transfer contribute to productivity growth, while technology transfer exhibits decreasing marginal returns. The two sources of technology are complements: use of one source of technology increases the marginal impact of the other.

The economic theory of the optimal patent design argues that patent protection only from imitations is not sufficient to stimulate cumulative innovation. This paper explores the effects of broadening patent breadth on cumulative innovation based on a natural experiment in 1986–87, in which Texas Instruments' lawsuits succeeded in broadening the protection of its basic patents of Dynamic Random Access Memory by out-of-court settlements. I examine changes in the quantity and quality of patents of firms involved in the lawsuits by using patent citations as a measure of the quality of patents. Both high and low quality patents increased after the lawsuits, but the increase in low quality patents was much more intense than the increase in high quality patents. Broad patent protection for basic or earlier innovation may stimulate firms' research efforts, but it may also produce a large amount of low quality inventions as by-products, which could reduce social welfare.

It is notable that the trade in East Asian countries has increased more than proportionately to the growth of economy. The purpose of the paper is to test statistically that the recent trade expansion is induced by development of international fragmentation of production. This paper constructs an index of Vertical Intra-industry Trade (VIIT) as a proxy to measure the fragmentation of production. The paper, using the indices, presents that the share of VIIT has been rising in East Asian countries as well as NAFTA and EU countries. Based on Gravity equation, it also presents that a rising share of VIIT is an indispensable factor for explaining the recent expansion of trade among East Asian countries. The estimated results in the paper suggest that the agreement to remove and harmonize institutional impediments among East Asian countries is important for further expansion of trade within the region.

Meetings fulfill an important function in corporate management, and how to raise the intellectual productivity of meetings is a critical factor. At the same time, though, the intellectual productivity of meetings is difficult to ascertain, and for this reason more devices are needed in the methods of running meetings. Previous research by the authors has detected at experimental meetings the "inconclusive transition" phenomenon in which discussion on a given topic will shift to the next topic without reaching a certain agreement as a factor affecting the level of intellectual productivity. Providing a theoretical base to this discovery, this paper gives preliminary consideration for developing techniques for raising the intellectual productivity of meetings. First, to explore techniques that can focus on utterances and their linkage, we give theoretical consideration to how people perceive this. Next we establish working hypotheses regarding methods of raising meeting productivity. Lastly, we view a video recording of actual meetings to test the working hypotheses, and prepare for empirical research.

Japanese R&D seems less efficient in the 1990s than in the 1980s. The emergence of radical innovations in the 1990s and the increased need for a division of labor in R&D were examined as possible factors that explain the deterioration. Japanese R&D was performed primarily by large firms that had a strong inclination to secure a complete set of key technologies in-house rather than to specialize in specific technologies. Those large corporations might be less efficient in the early phase of radical innovation, where a number of trials and errors are necessary. The weakness of the Japanese service sector resulted in the relative inefficiency of Japanese ICT in the development phase and its lesser effectiveness in the application stage. The limited internationalization of Japanese R&D is a serious problem when an international division of labor becomes a necessary condition for successful R&D.

Forecasts point to a continuing increase in energy consumption as Asia's economic activity expands and its population grows sharply, raising concerns that the region will place one of the greatest burdens on the global environment. It is therefore extremely important to analyze trends in East Asia when considering environmental issues on a global scale. To this end, I use the EDEN Database—the world's only dataset for estimating economic and environmental indicators with a common format in East Asia—to clarify their interdependence. In this paper, I first introduce the EDEN Database and previous research that has used it. Then, focusing on Korea, I extend the estimation to the 2000 version using the provisional 1995 version and shed light on the actual state of and changes in economic and environmental interdependence for three target years.

This paper examines the effects of lobbying activities across international borders on determining each country's import tariff in a multi-principal, multi-agent, menu-auction model. Cross-border political donations could promote international policy cooperation because of two of their distinctive characteristics. First, special interest groups use cross-border donations as tools to wield their influence on ruling parties of other countries directly, which promotes efficiency of policy formation. Second, for ruling parties of countries, cross-border donations make them take into account the impact of their policy on other countries, which makes them more sensitive to other countries' welfare and, therefore, more cooperative with others. When ruling parties estimate the worth of political contributions from national special interest groups and from foreign lobbying groups with the same weight, Pareto-efficient tariffs are attained at which world welfare is maximized.

For the science of leadership to be practical in the true sense, it must be able to explain the relative merits of a leader's actions, and also be able to design methods on how best to foster leaders as human beings, and how leaders can motivate the group or organization. It is when the outcomes of leadership research activities (R) can be applied to leadership development activities (D) that the science of leadership indeed becomes practical. Moreover, the essence of the leadership structure is the individual to the group/organization, and their interrelationship forms a complex system. Leadership R&D activities must maintain this view.

We develop hypotheses concerning the impact of multinational firms' international plant networks and host country foreign investor agglomeration on the divestment of manufacturing affiliates, drawing on real option theory and location and agglomeration theory. We test our hypotheses on a comprehensive sample of 1078 Asian manufacturing affiliates of Japanese multinational firms in the electronics industry during the turbulent years preceding and into the Asian financial crisis (1995–1998). We find evidence that multinational firms both maintain flexibility options by maintaining a network of platform affiliates in multiple Asian countries, and exercise these flexibility options through divestments of affiliates that do not add flexibility value. Affiliates of which the location decision at entry was dominated by the local presence of Japanese investor agglomeration or buyer-supplier agglomeration within vertical business groups have higher divestment rates, suggesting that agglomeration leads to 'adverse selection' of affiliates with weaker competitiveness.

How stronger intellectual property rights affect technology transfer is one of important issues of international microeconomics. This paper examines empirically their effect on technology transfer in the world by using the panel data of Japanese multinational firms. The results of our estimation reveal that the technology transfer measured by royalty payments of affiliate to parent firms is substantial in the countries where the enforcement of IPRS is strict, and that it increases in the countries where IPRS are strengthened. Those results are consistent with the previous studies based on the US and European firm data. (96 words)