[Feature: Outlook for Japan-South Korea Relations] Soichi Tsukamoto: Observing the "MZ Generation" and the New South Korean Administration

2022/05/09

Except for young people familiar with K-POP, many Japanese people may associate South Korea with intense political and social movements, as suggested by the saying, "When the administration changes, the president gets arrested." Indeed, since democratization, South Korea has always been divided between conservatives and progressives (referred to as "liberals" in South Korea), who have fought fiercely. Even in the presidential election held on March 9, 2022, Yoon Suk-yeol of the conservative opposition "People Power Party" defeated Lee Jae-myung of the progressive ruling "Democratic Party of Korea" by a razor-thin margin of 0.73 percentage points, finally bringing the contest to a close. It was for this very reason that immediately after securing his victory and deciding the change of government, Yoon Suk-yeol stated that he would aim for "national unity," which was only natural.

However, what awaits the new administration, which will be inaugurated on May 10, is not just a National Assembly where the roles of offense and defense have swapped, leaving the now-opposition progressive forces in the majority—a situation known as a "small ruling party and large opposition." There are also many social problems that have long remained unresolved by both conservative and progressive administrations. Yet, there is a faint sense of uncertainty as to whether the new administration is prepared to face these issues while resolutely pursuing "unity." In this article, focusing on gender issues, I would like to listen to the voices of women who feel a sense of unresolved frustration regarding the election results and consider the role the new administration should play.

Now that the election is over, Yoon Suk-yeol, as the next president, is expected to fulfill the role of repairing the domestic rifts that widened during the fierce struggle, while also showing consideration for the progressive forces on the losing side, as he promised "unity." It is not that he is not working on this. For example, on April 3, he nominated Han Duck-soo, who held key positions including Prime Minister under the progressive Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun administrations, as the first Prime Minister of the new government. On the same day, he also attended a memorial service for the "April 3 Incident" on Jeju Island in southern South Korea. This incident involved the suppression and killing of many islanders by the military and police over several years starting in 1948. While memorial services are held every year, Yoon is the first conservative president or president-elect to attend.

On the other hand, a strained relationship with the Moon Jae-in administration has continued. The first meeting between Yoon Suk-yeol and President Moon Jae-in did not take place until 19 days after the election. Regarding his campaign promise to move the presidential office to the Ministry of National Defense building in Seoul, Yoon insists on realizing it simultaneously with the inauguration of his administration, despite opposition from the Moon administration.

Another campaign promise by Yoon Suk-yeol that progressive forces strongly criticize is the abolition of the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family. The ministry's predecessor, the Ministry of Gender Equality, was established in 2001 and has long been responsible for policies such as "promoting women's rights and interests and expanding social participation." However, while Yoon Suk-yeol acknowledged that the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family "was established at a time when gender discrimination was severe and has played a role in enhancing the legal system," he stated that "from now on, we should respond more reliably to individual and specific cases of injustice and crime, and its historical mission has ended."

At a time when gender issues are emphasized, Yoon Suk-yeol clearly announced the abolition of the ministry in charge of women's issues—which seems to go against the trends of the times—two months before the vote, as the election campaign reached its climax. On March 8, International Women's Day, the day before the vote, he again posted his argument for abolishing the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family on Facebook. These moves by Yoon were clearly reflected in the election results. Looking at the voting status by age group from exit polls conducted on election day by the three major terrestrial broadcasters (KBS, MBC, and SBS), Yoon Suk-yeol won many votes from men in their 20s and 30s, while losing votes from women, especially those in their 20s (see figure).

In this election campaign, various opinion polls had already made it clear that the number of voters wanting a change of government significantly exceeded the majority, and Yoon Suk-yeol was seen as having the advantage. As a result of losing the votes of young women, the Yoon camp ended up in a difficult struggle. These younger generations are called the "MZ Generation," combining the Millennial generation born from the 1980s to the early 2000s and Generation Z born from the mid-1990s to the 2000s. While Yoon Suk-yeol succeeded in capturing the male votes of the "MZ Generation," he ended up losing the female votes.

Originally, the younger generation was considered to have a strong progressive tendency, and in fact, this age group was the core that brought down the Park Geun-hye administration and led to the birth of the Moon Jae-in administration in 2017. However, in the Seoul and Busan mayoral elections held in April 2021, the "MZ Generation" became the driving force for victory by voting for conservative candidates, surprising the political world. In fact, the "MZ Generation" is said to have a stronger tendency to prioritize daily life over conservative or progressive ideologies. Because the stagnant situation—suffering from job shortages and being unable to hope for home ownership due to the abnormal surge in real estate prices—not only remained unresolved under the Moon Jae-in administration but worsened, the "MZ Generation" gave up on progressivism as well, seeing it as nothing more than old politics lacking the ability or mindset to carve out a bright future. To use an analogy, if South Korean politics and society are divided into conservative and progressive on a flat plane, the "MZ Generation" might be a group that thinks in a three-dimensional space. They are people who do not fit into simple conservative or progressive attributes.

The Yoon Suk-yeol camp focused on the "MZ Generation" for the presidential election, but instead of the entire generation, they deployed a tactic that emphasized "Idenam," which means "men in their 20s" in Korean. This was based on the judgment that riding the rising tide of "anti-feminism" among "Idenam" would lead to more votes. Among young men, many are dissatisfied, feeling that they are forced to take leaves of absence from university due to the conscription system, while women are given preferential treatment in employment. The Yoon Suk-yeol camp's argument for abolishing the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family was an attempt to align with the voices of "Idenam" who resonate with each other online by claiming "reverse discrimination." Yoon also proposed strengthening punishments for the crime of false accusation, where women make false reports to disparage men even when there is no victim of a sex crime.

It is a fact that the gender gap in South Korea has narrowed over time. According to the "Global Gender Gap Report" published annually by the World Economic Forum, the index indicating the gender gap improved from 0.616 in 2006 to 0.678 in 2021. Japan's index did not change much, going from 0.645 to 0.656, and considering that South Korea overtook Japan during this period, the difference is clear.

Beyond such data, many South Korean citizens likely feel the advancement of women firsthand. When I was stationed in Seoul from 2012 to 2015, I heard that 70% of those who passed the South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs' diplomat exam were women. From the perspective of those administering the exam, their honest feeling was that they wanted to adjust the gender ratio, but this was the result of objective grading. When I had a casual conversation with a male executive at the ministry and asked, "Is there no movement to give male applicants a leg up?" he shook his head vigorously and said, "Absolutely not. If I even mentioned such a thing, it would be exposed on social media immediately, and my future career would be closed off."

While young men have had a sense of victimhood, feeling that women are given preferential treatment, they have been unable to speak out until now. It seems that their true feelings have finally begun to leak out and have become a major trend. The strategy to go after these "MZ Generation" male votes was led by Lee Jun-seok, the representative of the "People Power Party." He is also part of the "MZ Generation" and is a politician who attracted the attention of young people and others with his skillful eloquence calling for party reform and renewal, as well as active social media posts. He led the victory in the Seoul mayoral election and was elected party representative in 2021 at the age of 36 without any prior experience as a member of parliament. On the other hand, since the presidential election, Lee has repeatedly made remarks criticizing disability groups' protests at subway stations and on trains for expanded rights, calling them "something that disrupts social order." Lee Jun-seok is being criticized for inciting hatred against the socially vulnerable and "misogyny" regarding women's issues, even though he will become the representative of the ruling party after the new administration is inaugurated.

In this presidential election, women of the "MZ Generation" were, in a sense, written off by the Yoon Suk-yeol camp. As mentioned earlier, many women of this generation voted for Lee Jae-myung, and it is easy to imagine that they feel regret over the influence of the Yoon camp's male-centric stance and the fact that their own votes became "dead votes." But how do they view the current state of gender in South Korea?

I conducted telephone interviews with two women in their 20s and 30s, respectively, who said they voted for Lee Jae-myung in the election (March 30 and 31). The purpose was to hear the voices of "MZ Generation" women who were overlooked in this election. Although within a limited scope, the results provided a glimpse into the overall image of the "MZ Generation" who are not fixated on ideology, and the inner thoughts of women who cannot help but be sensitive to gender issues.

A university student in her 20s revealed that she voted for Lee Jae-myung despite being part of the floating voters who do not support a specific political party. She criticized the Yoon Suk-yeol camp, saying, "They targeted specific extreme communities rather than general men in their 20s and promoted conflict over gender." The student also testified, "When I look at university communities (on the internet), misogynistic remarks are commonly seen." She likely feels that women are being attacked on a daily basis in her immediate surroundings. Furthermore, she stated, "Past women's policies were not about giving benefits to women, but about correcting parts that were not equal." This is an argument that women's policies should be continued.

An office worker in her 20s, who was originally a supporter of the "Democratic Party of Korea," said she was fed up with Lee Jae-myung's real estate development and family scandals and hesitated, considering a third candidate who was not Yoon Suk-yeol. In the end, she voted for Lee Jae-myung after positively receiving his measures for young people. Regarding the status of women in South Korea, this woman said, "I think women's educational levels have risen considerably compared to before and the situation has improved, but it has improved relatively compared to the past, and I don't think absolute gender equality has been achieved." She also spoke of everyday discrimination, saying, "In my professional life, I often hear sexist remarks like 'women are like this.' During holidays (such as Lunar New Year), there are stories everywhere that only women do the work (such as preparing meals) and men and women eat separately." Regarding whether she expects anything from the new Yoon Suk-yeol administration, she dismissed it, saying, "Won't they just fan the flames of gender friction? I'd be lucky if we can just maintain the current level."

A graduate student in her 30s who is raising a child said that while she voted for Moon Jae-in in the previous election, she was disappointed by the administration's lack of action on real estate issues and other problems. In this election, she hesitated until the end about who to vote for, but ultimately voted for Lee Jae-myung because he was better than Yoon Suk-yeol. This woman stated that she feels resistance to the fact that men in their 20s, called "Idenam" among the same "MZ Generation," are leaning toward "anti-feminism," and speculated on the male side's feelings as follows: "Men in their 20s have indirectly received the benefits that their fathers' generation enjoyed. They grew up expecting to be able to live that way too, but now in the 21st century, unlike the patriarchal past, the position of men has weakened, and the future they imagined is likely being shaken. They grew up watching their fathers as role models, and while they feel that their mothers and sisters are suffering sacrifices, they don't know the details because it's not about them, and they insist that they grew up in gender equality." This is a sharp observation that young men who inherited male-dominated thinking from their fathers' generation are realizing that it is no longer applicable, yet they refuse to look at the current situation surrounding women.

An office worker in her 30s criticizes the fact that blatant discrimination against women still exists in corporate society. As a story from a friend working at a small to medium-sized enterprise, she said that the annual salary of two new employees—a woman with a university degree and eight years of work experience, and a man who graduated from high school with no work experience—was the same. She states that the issue of wages is particularly serious for women. "When I look at the friends around me, they are really struggling with how to eat and so on. It has become difficult to live in society, and accordingly, it has become as difficult as it is for women. We must solve social problems such as rising prices, the minimum wage which is too low in comparison, and the widening class gap." This is likely a point that women's issues should be solved while tackling the problems of society as a whole. Furthermore, she expressed wariness about women's issues being discussed in connection with the problem of the declining birthrate. "In national policy meetings, the birthrate is treated with priority (rather than security measures to protect women from crime). Looking at the talk of abolishing the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family flying around, it seems that women will become nothing more than a means of population reproduction." This is a strong backlash against women being viewed as "birth machines."

There is a female politician on the progressive side, the "Democratic Party of Korea," who actively responds to these women's voices. She is 26-year-old Park Ji-hyun, who belongs to the "MZ Generation." She has a background in tracking the "Nth Room Case," a heinous digital crime where sexual photos and videos of women, including minors, were sold for profit, as an anonymous university student. She joined the Lee Jae-myung camp in January 2022, two months before the presidential election. Her appearance in the political world was like a comet, as she was tapped as the joint emergency response committee chair responsible for rebuilding the party after the election. She attracted attention with her outspoken remarks, and when the father of a former progressive governor, who is serving a prison sentence for sexual harassment, passed away and President Moon Jae-in sent a wreath and party executives attended the funeral, she said, "I'm so angry I feel like grabbing them by the collar."

Since she is tough even on members of her own party, she has harshly criticized Yoon Suk-yeol and Lee Jun-seok throughout the period before and after the election, saying they are "trying to divide gender." She has even called for Lee Jun-seok's resignation. She also revealed that she has been ridiculed for graduating from a regional university rather than a top-tier university like many other politicians, stating, "The fact that I joined the Democratic Party shows diversity." She likely has a desire to be a spokesperson for minorities. Park Ji-hyun will aim for victory in the unified local elections to be held in June while emphasizing her differences from the conservative forces.

However, if women's issues are pushed into the conflict between conservatives and progressives, the progressive forces will also fail to receive broad support from voters. The aforementioned graduate student in her 30s argues that the gender issue must not become a binary zero-sum game. "Feminists consider that women will be at a disadvantage under existing policies, and 'Idenam' argue that creating policies to improve women's issues is reverse discrimination because it puts men at a disadvantage. Instead, I want them to show many policies that make everyone happy." For that purpose, she says she would even agree to the salary increase for soldiers serving in the conscription, which Yoon Suk-yeol included in his campaign promises with the voices of "Idenam" in the background.

Social problems such as soaring real estate prices and inequality, not just women's issues, should not be discussed only within the struggle between conservatives and progressives. For the public, these are serious issues that must be resolved regardless of whether one is conservative or progressive. This is even more true for the "MZ Generation," who are prone to being placed in socially and economically difficult situations. If the new administration cannot come up with effective measures, the men who voted for Yoon Suk-yeol in the presidential election will quickly defect, just as expectations for the Moon Jae-in administration withered. As far as the words and actions of Yoon Suk-yeol and Lee Jun-seok are concerned, so far, it does not appear that a vector is working toward a broad integration of the people. Toward the unified local elections in June, there is likely an aim to solidify conservative votes, including "Idenam," similar to the presidential election. The problem is what comes after that.

Will Yoon Suk-yeol, as president, be able to present a new vision for the future to South Korean politics and society, where the conflict between conservatives and progressives has been so deeply etched? The term of the South Korean president is five years. According to the provisions of the Constitution, reelection is not possible, but unless one is impeached like former President Park Geun-hye, long-term governance is possible. Yoon Suk-yeol has said he will "break away from the imperial presidency." If so, he must establish a system that reflects the voices of a wide range of citizens, even if it takes time. The challenges for the new administration, which will soon be inaugurated, are heavy.