How to View the Catalonia "Independence Issue"

2018/04/01

The Spanish philosopher Ortega y Gasset once remarked, "The Catalan problem cannot be solved; it can only be lived with." Whether or not that prophecy has come true, regional nationalism (Catalanism) is currently resurging in Catalonia, leading to a declaration of "independence" from Spain last autumn. Here, I would like to consider why regional nationalism has intensified and radicalized in 21st-century Catalonia, focusing on the long-term social changes underlying this trend.

The first change is the rapid globalization of the economy and society. One aspect of this is the influx of immigrants. Spain has transformed from a country that once "sent out" migrants to one that "receives" them, with a surge in immigration from around the world since the start of the 21st century. Catalonia has received the largest number of these immigrants. While they provide a necessary labor force for economic development, they also cause various social and cultural issues. Language is a particular concern. In the Autonomous Community of Catalonia, the native language (Catalan) is the official language, but in recent years, the proportion of Spanish speakers has increased relative to Catalan speakers. This is due to an increase in immigrants from Latin America who speak Spanish as their mother tongue, as well as a growing trend of learning and using Spanish as an international language second only to English. The international movement of people is shaking the language education model known as "Catalan immersion" that the regional government has implemented. Meanwhile, the central government in Madrid argues for improving Spanish language proficiency to enhance national and urban competitiveness amid economic globalization. This clash between the two languages—which could be called a "language war"—is heightening the sense of crisis among Catalanists.

The second wave of globalization is "deindustrialization." In the 19th century, Catalonia was called the "factory of Spain" and prospered through the development of the cotton industry. Against this backdrop of economic power, a movement to revive its unique culture spread. This is the origin of Catalanism. However, as the industrial center shifted from manufacturing to finance and services, the capital, Madrid, began to gain not only political power but also economic (financial) power. To strengthen international competitiveness, infrastructure development such as airports, ports, railways, and roads is essential. However, a sense of unfairness smolders among Catalan residents, who feel that the returns from the state to the local region, such as public investment, are small compared to the taxes they pay to the country.

Furthermore, Catalan economic dissatisfaction intensified all at once after the 2008 Lehman shock. Spain enjoyed a long economic boom starting in the 1990s. With the establishment of the Eurozone, low-interest foreign capital flowed in, and Catalonia—blessed with tourism resources and industries along the Mediterranean—benefited greatly from the bubble. On the other hand, the scars after the collapse were deep. The per capita fiscal deficit burden is nearly double the national average. Artur Mas, the former President of the Generalitat of Catalonia, called for the construction of a "new Catalanism" as a "reaction" to these social and economic changes brought about by globalization. He proclaimed the "right to self-determination," asserting that Catalans themselves should decide the future of Catalonia, and conducted a referendum on independence using a somewhat populist approach. Under his leadership, Catalonia steered significantly from "autonomy" toward "independence."

As a second long-term change, I would like to point to the generational shift. In the Spanish Constitution established in 1978, two different views of the state (unitary vs. pluralistic) coexist in a delicate balance. Under the Constitution, it was the "spirit of reconciliation" that made it possible to avoid conflict and achieve long-term political stability. This was an expression of the strong desire of the Spanish people to never repeat the civil war or dictatorship. However, 40 years have passed since the enactment of the Constitution, and the generation that knows neither the civil war nor the dictatorship now makes up the majority of society. The "spirit of reconciliation" has also weakened, and the political balance seems to have begun to collapse.

The center-left forces that led democratization for a long time have declined, replaced by the rise of the center-right People's Party, which carries the slogan "Spain is the only nation." This appears as a "threat" to Catalanists who seek a "pluralistic Spain" (the position that Spain consists of multiple nations). Traditionally, right-wing Spanish nationalism was equated with the Franco dictatorship, leading to a kind of allergy toward it. However, this too is fading due to the generational shift. Rather, stimulated by the Catalan independence issue, Spanish nationalism is regaining its strength while linking itself to the claim of "defending the democratic Spanish Constitution."

After Catalonia declared "independence," the central government suspended Catalonia's autonomy. The independence issue has widened the gap between Catalonia and other regions of Spain and has created a rift within Catalonia between those for and against independence. Unfortunately, there is no prospect of restoring autonomy, and no movement toward repairing the rift is yet visible.

*Affiliations and titles are as of the time this magazine was published.